9. U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 2011 Job Patterns for Minorities and Women in Private Industry, 2011 EEO1 National Aggregate Report(2011), The EEOC"s definition of top corporate jobs includes executive and senior level officers as well as managers; Catalyst, 2012 Catalyst Census: Fortune 500 Women Board Directors, and Center for American Women and Politics, Record Number of Women Will Serve in Congress; New Hampshire Elects Women to All Top Posts, Election Watch, November 7, 2012, See also Catalyst, Women of Color Executives: Their Voices, Their Journeys (June 2001), Ariane Hegewisch, Claudia Williams, and Anlan Zhang, The Gender Wage Gap: 2011, Fact Sheet (March 2012), and Carmen DeNavas-Walt, Bernadette D. Proctor, and Jessica C. Smith, Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance Coverage in the United States: 2010, U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Reports, P60239 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2011), 12, Statistics cited are drawn from calculations of the gender pay gap based on median annual earnings. According to Dr. Pamela Coukos, a senior program advisor at the Department of Labor"s Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs, the most commonly cited estimate of the gender pay gap is based upon the difference between men"s and women"s median annual earnings. Another widely used estimate of the gender pay gap is based upon the difference between men"s and women"s median weekly earnings. Some scholars believe weekly earnings are more accurate because they can better account for differences in the total number of hours worked, and since men often work more hours than women, this difference can account for some of the pay gap. Other scholars argue that the median annual earnings figure is preferable because it includes more types of compensation (such as bonuses, pensions, etc.). Importantly, both approaches find that women earn less than men. According to recent median annual earnings, women earn seventy-seven cents for every dollar men earn. According to recent median weekly earnings, women earn eighty-two cents for every dollar men earn.

11. Marlo Thomas, "Another Equal Pay Day? Really?," The Huffington Post, April 12, 2011, Sociologist Arlie Russell Hochschild coined the phrase "the stalled revolution" in her book The Second Shift (New York: Avon Books, 1989), 12.

13. It should be noted that not all female leaders are supportive of women"s interests. See Nicholas D. Kristof, "Women Hurting Women," New York Times, September 29, 2012, For research and discussion about how all women can benefit when more women are in positions of power, see chapter 11.

14. Joanna Barsh and Lareina Yee, Special Report: Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the U.S. Economy, McKinsey & Company (April 2011), 6, THE LEADERSHIP AMBITION GAP: WHAT WOULD YOU DO IF YOU WEREN"T AFRAID?

1. From 1981 to 2005, the opt-out rate for college-educated, married white women with children decreased from 25.2 percent to 21.3 percent, reaching its lowest point in 1993 (16.5 percent). Since the mid-1990s, there has been an uptick in this group deciding to leave the workforce. Still, the rate appears to be stabilizing and has not returned to the rates seen thirty or forty years ago (Stone and Hernandez 2012). This pattern of opting out maps broadly onto trends in women"s employment rates since the 1960s. From the 1960s to the 1990s, there was a dramatic increase in women"s labor force partic.i.p.ation, which peaked in 1999 when 60 percent of women were working. Since 1999, there has been a slow decline in women"s employment rates (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2007 and 2011). Mirroring these historical employment patterns among women, opting out reached a low in 1993, the decade that recorded the highest rates of women"s labor force partic.i.p.ation, and saw its sharpest increase from 1999 to 2002, the same years that marked the beginning of the decline in women"s overall employment rates (Stone and Hernandez 2012). Thus, the recent decrease in the employment rates of highly educated mothers needs to be reconciled with employment declines among other groups, including declines for nonmothers and men. All are likely linked in part to a weak labor market (Boushey 2008). Despite this dip in employment, college-educated women have the highest labor force partic.i.p.ation rates of all mothers (Stone and Hernandez 2012). According to recent research from the U.S. Census Bureau, young, less-educated, and Hispanic women are more likely to be stay-at-home mothers (Kreider and Elliott 2010). For studies on opting out and women"s labor force partic.i.p.ation rates, see Pamela Stone and Lisa Ackerly Hernandez, "The Rhetoric and Reality of "Opting Out," " in Women Who Opt Out: The Debate over Working Mothers and Work-Family Balance, ed. Bernie D. Jones (New York: New York University Press, 2012), 3356; Heather Boushey, " "Opting Out?" The Effect of Children on Women"s Employment in the United States," Feminist Economics 14, no. 1 (2008): 136; Rose M. Kreider and Diana B. Elliott, "Historical Changes in Stay-at-Home Mothers: 19692009," paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological a.s.sociation, Atlanta, GA, August 2010, Bureau of Labor Statistics, "Changes in Men"s and Women"s Labor Force Partic.i.p.ation Rates," The Editor"s Desk, January 10, 2007, and Bureau of Labor Statistics, Women in the Labor Force: A Datebook, report 1034 (December 2011), the vast majority of women and mothers are working, when compared to their male counterparts, a sizable employment gap emerges. Surveys of highly educated men and women find that the postgraduation rates of employment and hours of employment are higher for men than for women, especially among those who have children. A survey of three cohorts of Harvard students from 1969 to 1972, 1979 to 1982, and 1989 to 1992 found that fifteen years after graduation, about 90 to 94 percent of the men were employed full-time, full year compared to around 60 to 63.5 percent of the women. The full-time, full-year employment rate among women graduates with two children was even lower, ranging from 41 to 47 percent (Goldin and Katz 2008). A survey of the graduating cla.s.ses from the University of Chicago Booth School of Business from 1990 to 2006 found that in every year following graduation, between 92 and 94 percent of the men are employed full-time, full year. Upon graduation, 89 percent of the women are employed full-time, full year. Yet, over time, this percentage decreases, such that at six years out, 78 percent of women are employed full-time, full year. At nine years out, the percentage goes down to 69 percent. At ten or more years out, only 62 percent of the women are employed full-time, full year. The percentage is even lower for women with children. Ten or more years out, only about half of women with one or more children are employed full-time, full year. In any given year since graduation, no more than 1 percent of the men are not working, and only between 2 and 4 percent of the men are working part-time. In contrast, the share of women not working or working part-time increases with years since graduation, such that by ten or more years out, 17 percent of the women are not working and 22 percent are working part-time. The remaining small percentages of men and women worked fewer than fifty-two weeks per year. The survey also found that women with children worked 24 percent fewer hours per week than the average man and women without children worked 3.3 percent fewer hours (Bertand, Goldin, and Katz 2010).

Another survey published in 2000 of graduates from the top twelve MBA programs from 1981 to 1995 found that 95 percent of the men, but only 71 percent of the women, worked full-time. The further out from graduation, the lower the full-time employment rate of women (Catalyst, Center for the Education of Women at the University of Michigan, University of Michigan Business School, 2000). For more on these surveys, see Claudia Goldin and Lawrence F. Katz, "Transitions: Career and Family Life Cycles of the Educational Elite," American Economic Review: Papers & Proceedings 98, no. 2 (2008): 36369; Marianne Bertrand, Claudia Goldin, and Lawrence F. Katz, "Dynamics of the Gender Gap for Young Professionals in the Financial and Corporate Sectors," American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 2, no. 3 (2010): 22855; and Catalyst, Center for the Education of Women at the University of Michigan, University of Michigan Business School, Women and the MBA: Gateway to Opportunity (2000).

2. Judith Rodin, in discussion with the author, May 19, 2011.

3. National Center for Education Statistics, "Table 283: Degrees Conferred by Degree-Granting Inst.i.tutions, by Level of Degree and s.e.x of Student: Selected Years, 186970 Through 202122," Digest of Education Statistics (2012), Hanna Rosen, The End of Men: And the Rise of Women (New York: Riverhead Books, 2012).

5. Debra Myhill, "Bad Boys and Good Girls? Patterns of Interaction and Response in Whole Cla.s.s Teaching," British Educational Research Journal 28, no. 3 (2002): 350.

6. The four thousand survey respondents were employees of fourteen companies, almost all of which were Fortune 500 companies or companies of similar size. See Joanna Barsh and Lareina Yee, Unlocking the Full Potential of Women at Work, McKinsey & Company (April 2012), 7, ~/media/Reports/Women/2012%20WSJ%20Women%20in%20the%20Economy%20white%20paper%20FINAL.ashx.

Most surveys on aspirations to senior levels find a gender gap between men and women, with more men than women aspiring to these top management positions. A 2003 survey by the Family and Work Inst.i.tute, Catalyst, and the Center for Work & Family at Boston College of high-level executives found that 19 percent of the men compared to just 9 percent of the women set their sights on becoming CEO or managing partner. The same survey found that 54 percent of the men and only 43 percent of the women hope to join the ranks of senior management. Also, of the executives who said they had reduced their aspirations (25 percent), women did so more than men (34 percent of women compared to 21 percent of men). The most frequently cited reason for reducing aspiration was the same for both men and women-67 percent said a very important reason was "the sacrifices I would have to make in my personal or family life." It"s also important to note that women who think little progress has been made in breaking through the gla.s.s ceiling are more likely to have reduced their aspirations than women who think progress has occurred. See Families and Work Inst.i.tute, Catalyst, Center for Work & Family at Boston College, Leaders in a Global Economy: A Study of Executive Women and Men (January 2003), 4, 2003 study examining the career aspirations of business students found that 81 percent of the men but only 67 percent of the women aspire to top management positions. See Gary N. Powell and D. Anthony b.u.t.terfield, "Gender, Gender Ident.i.ty, and Aspirations to Top Management," Women in Management Review 18, no. 1 (2003): 8896.

A 2007 study of employed managers and professionals enrolled in master"s degree programs also found that the women had relatively weaker aspirations to senior management. See Barrie Litzsky and Jeffrey Greenhaus, "The Relationship Between Gender and Aspirations to Senior Management," Career Development International 12, no. 7 (2007): 63759. A survey of graduates from the top twelve MBA programs from 1981 to 1995 found that only 44 percent of women strongly agreed or agreed that they had a "desire to advance to a senior position" compared to 60 percent of men who strongly agreed or agreed. See Catalyst, Center for the Education of Women at the University of Michigan, and University of Michigan Business School, Women and the MBA. A McKinsey & Company report found that as women age, their desire to advance decreases more quickly than men"s desire. The report concluded that at every age, "more men want to take on more responsibility in their organizations and have greater control over results." See Joanna Barsh and Lareina Yee, Special Report: Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the U.S. Economy, McKinsey & Company (April 2011), 6, most surveys find that more men than women aspire to top positions, a notable exception is a 2004 Catalyst survey of about 700 female senior leaders and 250 male senior leaders working in Fortune 1000 companies. This survey found comparable aspirations to reach the CEO level among women and men (55 percent of women and 57 percent of men). The survey also found that among those in line and staff positions, more women than men aspired to the CEO level. See Catalyst, Women and Men in U.S. Corporate Leadership: Same Workplace, Different Realities? (2004), 1416, are several explanations offered as to why women have lower aspirations than men, including that women feel there is a lack of fit between themselves (their personal characteristics) and senior leadership positions, which are often characterized in highly masculine terms; women feel there are too many obstacles to overcome; women do not want to prioritize career over family; women place less importance than do men on job characteristics common to senior roles, such as high pay, power, and prestige; gender role socialization influences girls" and women"s att.i.tudes and choices about occupational achievement; and women are more often located in jobs that lack opportunities for advancement and they lower their aspirations in response to this disadvantageous structural position. For a review of some of these explanations, see Litzsky and Greenhaus, "The Relationship Between Gender and Aspirations to Senior Management," 63759. For an a.n.a.lysis of women"s educational and occupational choices, see Jacquelynne S. Eccles, "Understanding Women"s Educational and Occupational Choices: Applying the Eccles et al. Model of Achievement-Related Choices," Psychology of Women Quarterly 18, no. 4 (1994): 585609. For a.n.a.lysis of how structural position shapes aspirations, see Naomi Ca.s.serir and Barbara Reskin, "High Hopes: Organizational Position, Employment Experiences, and Women"s and Men"s Promotion Aspirations," Work and Occupations 27, no. 4 (2000): 43863; and Rosabeth Moss Kanter, Men and Women of the Corporation, 2nd ed. (New York: Basic Books, 1993).

7. Alison M. Konrad et al., "s.e.x Differences and Similarities in Job Attribute Preferences: A Meta-a.n.a.lysis," Psychological Bulletin 126, no. 4 (2000): 593641; and Eccles, "Understanding Women"s Educational and Occupational Choices," 585609. A survey of highly qualified women found that only 15 percent of them selected "a powerful position" as an important career goal. See Sylvia Ann Hewlett and Carolyn Buck Luce, "Off-Ramps and On-Ramps: Keeping Talented Women on the Road to Success," Harvard Business Review 83, no. 3 (2005): 48. Studies on job attribute preferences find that more men than women prefer jobs characterized by challenging work, power and influence over others, high levels of responsibility, risk taking, opportunities for achievement and advancement, and high prestige. Women tend to prefer jobs that are characterized as work that helps others, enables them to develop their skills and abilities, and allows them to spend time with family. For a recent review of research on this topic, see Erica S. Weisgram, Lisa M. Dinella, and Megan Fulcher, "The Role of Masculinity/Femininity, Values, and Occupational Value Affordances in Shaping Young Men"s and Women"s Occupational Choices," s.e.x Roles 65, nos. 34 (2011): 24358.

8. Linda Schweitzer et al., "Exploring the Career Pipeline: Gender Differences in Pre-Career Expectations," Relations Industrielles 66, no. 3 (2011): 42244. This survey of 23,413 Canadian postsecondary students found that reaching a managerial level within three years of graduating was a major career priority for 10 percent of the men but only 5 percent of the women.

9. Hewlett and Luce, "Off-Ramps and On-Ramps," 48. This study of highly qualified women and men found that close to half the men described themselves as "extremely ambitious" or "very ambitious" in comparison to about a third of the women. Notably, the proportion of women describing themselves as "very ambitious" was higher among women in business (43 percent) and law and medicine (51 percent).

10. Eileen Patten and Kim Parker, A Gender Reversal on Career Aspirations, Pew Research Center (April 2012), The finding that young women place more emphasis on career success than do young men does not hold when controlling for education. Among college graduates under age forty, there is not a significant difference between men and women in the share placing a high emphasis on career success. There is a significant gender difference among noncollege graduates under age forty. These findings are based on small sample sizes and should be interpreted with caution.

11. The Millennial generation is typically defined as those born between 1980 and 2000.

12. This survey of Millennial adults found that 36 percent of men, but only 25 percent of women, said that the sentence "I aspire to a leadership role in whatever field I ultimately work" applies to them "very well." See Darshan Goux, Millennials in the Workplace, Bentley University Center for Women and Business (2012), 1725, survey, conducted in 2008 by the Girl Scouts, found no difference between girls and boys in terms of their likelihood to have leadership aspirations and to think of themselves as leaders. The survey did find that girls are more concerned about social backlash. One-third of the girls who reported not wanting to be leaders attributed their lack of desire to "fear of being laughed at, making people mad at them, coming across as bossy, or not being liked by people." See Girl Scout Research Inst.i.tute, Change It Up: What Girls Say About Redefining Leadership (2008), 19, Samantha Ettus, "Does the Wage Gap Start in Kindergarten?," Forbes, June 13, 2012, A study of accomplished men and women with the credentials to run for political office found that 62 percent of men versus 46 percent of women had considered running. The study found that 22 percent of the men versus 14 percent of the women were interested in running for office in the future. The men also were almost 60 percent more likely than the women to think that they were "very qualified" to run. See Jennifer L. Lawless and Richard L. Fox, Men Rule: The Continued Under-Representation of Women in U.S. Politics (Washington, D.C.: Women & Politics Inst.i.tute, American University School of Public Affairs, January 2012), A survey of more than four thousand middle and high school students found that only 22 percent of girls but 37 percent of boys said that "being in charge of other people" was "extremely important" or "very important" to them in a future job. The survey also found that 37 percent of girls compared to 51 percent of boys said that "being my own boss" was "extremely important" or "very important" to them in a future job. See Deborah Marlino and Fiona Wilson, Teen Girls on Business: Are They Being Empowered?, The Committee of 200, Simmons College School of Management (April 2003), 21, Jenna Johnson, "On College Campuses, a Gender Gap in Student Government," Washington Post, March 16, 2011, For research on how aggressive women violate social norms, see Madeline E. Heilman and Tyler G. Okimoto, "Why Are Women Penalized for Success at Male Tasks? The Implied Communality Deficit," Journal of Applied Psychology 92, no. 1 (2007): 8192; Madeline E. Heilman et al., "Penalties for Success: Reactions to Women Who Succeed at Male Gender-Typed Tasks," Journal of Applied Psychology 89, no. 3 (2004): 41627; Alice H. Eagly and Steven J. Karau, "Role Congruity Theory of Prejudice Toward Female Leaders," Psychological Review 109, no. 3 (2002): 57398; and Madeline E. Heilman, "Description and Prescription: How Gender Stereotypes Prevent Women"s Ascent up the Organizational Ladder," Journal of Social Issues 57, no. 4 (2001): 65774.

18. Gayle Tzemach Lemmon, "We Need to Tell Girls They Can Have It All (Even If They Can"t)," The Atlantic, June 29, 2012, For reviews of research, see May Ling Halim and Diane Ruble, "Gender Ident.i.ty and Stereotyping in Early and Middle Childhood," in Handbook of Gender Research in Psychology: Gender Research in General and Experimental Psychology, vol. 1, ed. Joan C. Chrisler and Donald R. McCreary (New York: Springer, 2010), 495525; Michael S. Kimmel and Amy Aronson, eds., The Gendered Society Reader, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008); and Campbell Leaper and Carly Kay Friedman, "The Socialization of Gender," in Handbook of Socialization: Theory and Research, ed. Joan E. Grusec and Paul D. Hastings (New York: Guilford Press, 2007), 56187.

20. Melissa W. Clearfield and Naree M. Nelson, "s.e.x Differences in Mother"s Speech and Play Behavior with 6, 9, and 14-Month-Old Infants," s.e.x Roles 54, nos. 12 (2006): 12737. Studies have found that parents tend to talk more with daughters than with sons. Further, mothers have more emotionally complex conversations and use a more conversational and supportive style of communication with their daughters than with their sons. For reviews of research, see Clearfield and Nelson, "s.e.x Differences in Mother"s Speech and Play Behavior," 12737; and Gretchen S. Lovas, "Gender and Patterns of Language Development in Mother-Toddler and Father-Toddler Dyads," First Language 31, no. 1 (2011): 83108.

21. Emily R. Mondschein, Karen E. Adolph, and Catherine S. Tamis-Le Monda, "Gender Bias in Mothers" Expectations About Infant Crawling," Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 77, no. 4 (2000): 30416.

22. Clearfield and Nelson, "s.e.x Differences in Mother"s Speech and Play Behavior," 12737. Another study observing close to eight hundred families in four different public venues found that in three of the four locations, a larger percentage of male toddlers were allowed to walk by themselves than were female toddlers. See G. Mitch.e.l.l et al., "Reproducing Gender in Public Places: Adults" Attention to Toddlers in Three Public Places," s.e.x Roles 26, nos. 78 (1992): 32330.

23. Emma Gray, "Gymboree Onesies: "Smart Like Dad" for Boys, "Pretty Like Mommy" for Girls," The Huffington Post, November 16, 2011, Andrea Chang, "JC Penney Pulls "I"m Too Pretty to Do Homework" Shirt," Los Angeles Times blog, August 31, 2011, Over the last forty years, gender bias and gender differences in the cla.s.sroom have been studied extensively. On balance, studies find that teachers give more attention to boys than girls. Boys also tend to have a more dominant presence in the cla.s.sroom. Still, depending on the methodology employed (such as the age of students, the subject area being taught, and the achievement level of the students), some studies have found few differences in teacher interactions and behavior in the cla.s.sroom between boys and girls. Notably, very few studies have doc.u.mented instances in which girls receive more attention from teachers than do boys. For reviews of the research, see Robyn Beaman, Kevin Wheldall, and Carol Kemp, "Differential Teacher Attention to Boys and Girls in the Cla.s.sroom," Educational Review 58, no. 3 (2006): 33966; Susanne M. Jones and Kathryn Dindia, "A Meta-a.n.a.lytic Perspective on s.e.x Equity in the Cla.s.sroom," Review of Educational Research 74, no. 4 (2004): 44371; Ellen Rydell Altermatt, Jasna Javanovic, and Mich.e.l.le Perry, "Bias or Responsivity? s.e.x and Achievement-Level Effects on Teachers" Cla.s.sroom Questioning Practices," Journal of Educational Psychology 90, no. 3 (1998): 51627; Myra Sadker, David Sadker, and Susan Klein, "The Issue of Gender in Elementary and Secondary Education," Review of Research in Education 17 (1991): 269334; and Roberta M. Hall and Bernice R. Sandler, The Cla.s.sroom Climate: A Chilly One for Women? (Washington, D.C.: a.s.sociation of American Colleges, 1982).

26. Riley Maida, "4 Year Old Girl Questions Marketing Strategies," YouTube video, 1:12 minutes, posted by Neuroticy2, December 28, 2011, Kelly Danaher and Christian S. Crandall, "Stereotype Threat in Applied Settings Re-Examined," Journal of Applied Social Psychology 38, no. 6 (2008): 163955. Based on their a.n.a.lysis of gender, stereotype threat, and performance on the AP calculus test, Danaher and Crandall estimate that if the demographic gender question was moved to the end of the test, 4,763 more young women would pa.s.s. For more research about how stereotype threat decreases women"s performance, see Catherine Good, Joshua Aronson, and Jayne Ann Harder, "Problems in the Pipeline: Stereotype Threat and Women"s Achievement in High-Level Math Courses," Journal of Applied and Developmental Psychology 29, no. 1 (2008): 1728.

Stereotypes of all kinds, ranging from "white men can"t jump" to "Asians are better at math" have been shown to influence performance as well as the evaluation of performance. See Jeff Stone, Zachary W. Perry, and John M. Darley, " "White Men Can"t Jump": Evidence for the Perceptual Confirmation of Racial Stereotypes Following a Basketball Game," Basic and Applied Social Psychology 19, no. 3 (1997): 291306; Jeff Stone et al., "Stereotype Threat Effects on Black and White Athletic Performance," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 77, no. 6 (1999): 121327; and Margaret Shih, Todd L. Pittinsky, and Nalini Ambady, "Stereotype Susceptibility: Ident.i.ty Salience and Shifts in Quant.i.tative Performance," Psychological Science 10, no. 1 (1999): 8083.

28. Jenessa R. Shapiro and Amy M. Williams, "The Role of Stereotype Threats in Undermining Girls" and Women"s Performance and Interest in STEM Fields," s.e.x Roles 66, nos. 34 (2011): 17583.

29. Goux, Millennials in the Workplace, 32.

30. Sarah Jane Glynn, The New Breadwinners: 2010 Update, Center for American Progress (April 2012), 2, In 2009, 41.4 percent of mothers were breadwinners for their families and another 22.5 percent were co-breadwinners.

31. Heather Boushey, "The New Breadwinners," in The Shriver Report: A Woman Nation Changes Everything, ed. Heather Boushey and Ann O"Leary, A Report by Maria Shriver and the Center for American Progress (October 2009), 34, Mark Mather, U.S. Children in Single-Mother Families, Population Reference Bureau, Data Brief (May 2012).